Following a years-long surge in illegal immigration, the Trump administration is poised to challenge a longstanding but legally fraught practice: counting illegal aliens in the U.S. census.
President Trump tried to end the practice during his first term, but President Biden overturned his predecessorâs policy before it was implemented. Now, buoyed by red state attorneys general and Republican legislators, the second Trump administration is determined âto clean up the census and make sure that illegal aliens are not counted,â White House Deputy Chief of Staff for Policy Stephen Miller said last month.
What Miller didnât mention are the political implications of the administrationâs move. It could have significant political implications because the census count is used to apportion House seats, determine the number of votes each state gets in the Electoral College for selecting the president, and drive the flow of trillions of dollars in government funds.
Some immigration researchers project that including noncitizens in the census count disproportionately benefits Democratic states with large illegal alien populations. A recent study counters that, based on 2020 census figures, there would have been a negligible shift to the political map had the U.S. government excluded noncitizens from that count. But looking backward, those researchers found, red states would have benefited under the administrationâs desired census counting shift. Had authorities excluded such migrants from the 2010 census, Louisiana, Missouri, Montana, Ohio and North Carolina all would have gained one seat in the House, while California would have lost three seats, and Texas and Florida would have each lost one seat â with the total number of Electoral College votes allotted each state changing accordingly.
Trumpâs first term hints at what is to come if his administration vigorously pursues a citizen-centric census policy. In July 2020, when the president issued a memorandum to exclude illegal migrants from the census, blue states and immigration groups challenged it in court almost immediately.
Those challenges rose all the way to the Supreme Court. But it did not rule on the merits â whether all residents must be counted and if the president has the authority to exclude nonresidents â setting the stage for a battle over immigration and presidential power.